Concept
Fraud and Consent
Rape
Fraud and Consent
The incapacity grounds just covered concern a woman who could not consent. Fraud raises the reverse problem: the complainant is awake and capable and agrees to intercourse, but the agreement was obtained by a lie. At common law only limited categories of fraud rendered consent ineffective for purposes of rape.1 Put as a default with exceptions, a lie does not ordinarily undo a capable woman's consent, and the analysis consists of identifying the few kinds of lie that do.
The tool for sorting lies is a distinction between two kinds of deception. Fraud in the factum is a deception that leaves the victim misunderstanding the very fact of what the defendant is doing. Fraud in the inducement is a deception about some collateral matter: the victim knows what the act is, but her reasons for agreeing rest on a falsehood. The first cannot produce effective consent, and the second can.2 The physician examples used to illustrate the distinction place the line clearly. A physician has intercourse with a female patient in circumstances where she does not know what is occurring and believes she is submitting only to an examination or operation. That is fraud in the factum, and she cannot be said to have consented.3 If the physician instead convinces her that submitting to intercourse would be effective treatment for her illness, she knows she is having intercourse and has chosen it. The lie went only to her reason for choosing, so her consent is effective.4 The patients were deceived about medicine in both scenes, and the one fact that separates them is what each believed was physically happening to her.
The line sits at the nature of the act because of what consent is. Consent is permission to a particular act, so a woman who believes she is undergoing an examination has not agreed to intercourse at all, and nothing she said or did amounted to a choice about it. A woman who understands that the act is intercourse and agrees has made a choice about that act, even if the reasons she was given for choosing it were false. Drawing the line there confines rape to deceptions that remove the choice itself. A rule under which every lie that influenced the decision defeated consent would have no stopping point, since misstatements about wealth, affection, or intentions would convert willing intercourse into the most serious sex offense. The deceptions that fall on the inducement side are left to lesser offenses or to no criminal liability.
The weakest part of the framework is the phrase collateral matter, because courts do not always agree on what counts as one. The clearest sign of that disagreement is the split of authority over whether intercourse is rape when the defendant misrepresents himself as the woman's husband.5 Because the traditional distinction is so much disputed, the Model Penal Code frames the question differently and asks whether the deception was "of a kind sought to be prevented by the law defining the offense."6 Modern statutes have also moved toward recognizing a broader range of impositions as a basis for finding coercive conduct, including other types of fraud.7 The traditional framework remains the default for an exam question that asks for the common-law answer, and the three situations that follow apply it in turn: deception about the nature of the act, impersonation of the husband, and other deceptions such as a false promise of marriage.
Students lose this issue by treating any lie that influenced her decision as defeating consent, when the rule asks only whether the lie concealed the nature of the act. The opposite error is to conclude that deception can never matter, which overlooks the patient who believes she is being examined and has agreed to nothing resembling intercourse.
Fraud as to the Act
The first kind of fraud that defeats consent sits on the factum side of the line just drawn, and it concerns whether the act is sexual intercourse at all. If the defendant, through fraud, causes the victim to believe that the act is not sexual intercourse, the resulting intercourse is rape.9 The prosecution does not need to prove force, a threat, or resistance, because the lie itself answers the question of nonconsent. A woman cannot have agreed to intercourse while believing that something else was taking place, and the cooperation she gave was cooperation with that something else.
The reason runs through what consent is. Consent is permission for a particular act, so a woman who thinks she is undergoing a medical procedure has not agreed to intercourse in any sense, and the deception removes her knowledge of the very thing she is said to have accepted. The comparison with the incapacity grounds is useful. There, a woman's yes carried no weight because her condition kept her from appraising the act. Here she is fully capable, and the defendant's lie produces the same emptiness in her cooperation by feeding her a false picture of what is happening. An incentive reason supports the rule as well. The defendant engineered the cooperation, and if that cooperation counted as consent, the success of the deception would become the proof of agreement, so that the lie supplied its own defense. Treating the cooperation as ineffective closes that loop.
The physician examples show the rule on both sides of its boundary. A physician who has intercourse with a female patient who does not know what is occurring, and who believes she is submitting only to an examination or operation, commits rape, because she cannot be said to have consented.10 A physician who instead convinces a patient that submitting to intercourse would be effective treatment for her illness has also lied to her, yet her consent is effective, because she knew the act was intercourse and the lie reached only her reason for agreeing.11 Reading the pair against the rule's wording shows what the trigger is. The rule asks whether the victim was led to believe the act was something other than intercourse. The first patient's belief about what was happening to her body was false, while the second patient's belief about that was accurate and her mistake concerned medicine. Both were deceived by a physician, so the identity of the liar cannot be the sorting fact. What moves the outcome is whether the lie left the patient mistaken about what physical act was occurring.
The scenes differ in one variable, whether she understood the act to be intercourse, and the rule consults nothing else. Students lose this ground by treating the medical setting as part of the rule, when a clinic is only the most familiar place in which a person can be persuaded that an intimate act is something else. The rule reaches any defendant who creates the false belief. The traditional distinction is disputed at its margins, which is why the next sections take up the husband impersonator and other deceptions separately. Deception about whether intercourse is occurring at all is the core case, and the Model Penal Code's own question, whether the deception is of a kind sought to be prevented by the law defining the offense, would be expected to reach it as well.12 Many newer statutes also recognize other types of fraud as a basis for finding coercive conduct, so an answer under a modern statute should check the text for what it adds.13
Impersonating the Husband
The most contested deception on the border between the two kinds of fraud is the one in which a man leads a woman to believe that he is her husband. On the better common-law view, intercourse obtained this way is not rape, because the law treated the woman's consent as effective.15 The answer is easy to misremember, since the impersonator's lie seems worse than the physician's claim that intercourse is medical treatment, and it exploits the most intimate relationship the woman has. The result follows from the line drawn in the preceding sections, and it is worth working out why before turning to the dispute over it.
The woman in an impersonation case knows exactly what act is taking place. She understands that she is engaging in sexual intercourse and she agrees to it, so the deception leaves her with no mistake about the physical fact that the offense is concerned with. Her mistake concerns who the man is. The traditional distinction files that kind of mistake as a collateral matter that induced her agreement, which places the lie on the fraud-in-the-inducement side, where consent remains effective.16 The impersonator is not in fact her husband, so the marital exemption has no bearing here, and the only question is whether her consent counts. The better view answers that it does.
The reason for stopping at the nature of the act holds for this deception as well. If a lie about a partner's identity defeated consent, courts would need some principled place to stop, because a man who gives a false name or poses as someone the woman has long admired misdescribes who he is in the same sense. Singling out the husband requires a further judgment: that the marital relation is so central to a married woman's choice that the lie takes the choice away from her. That judgment is reasonable, and it is precisely the point on which courts and legislatures part ways.
Authority therefore splits on the question, and some statements of the traditional approach list the husband deception beside fraud about the nature of the act among the extreme frauds that can substitute for force.17 The Model Penal Code takes an intermediate course. It does not call the conduct rape, but it does not leave it unpunished either: gross sexual imposition, a felony of the third degree, applies when the actor knows that the female submits because she mistakenly supposes that he is her husband.18 The elements of that offense are taken up in their own section. Newer statutes also tend to recognize a broader range of impositions, including other types of fraud, so an answer under a modern statute should check the text for what it adds.19
Both women were deceived, and both lies were told to obtain intercourse, so neither the existence of a lie nor its cruelty can be the sorting fact. What differs is what each woman believed about the physical act: the first was right about it and wrong about the man, while the second was wrong about the act itself. The physician example in the sources draws the same line, since the patient who thinks she is being examined has not consented, while the patient who knows she is having intercourse has.20 Students lose this issue by letting the seriousness of the lie choose the pole, because the impersonator's lie feels worse and yet lands on the side where the better view finds no rape. The result also holds only for the fraud ground. If the man had used force, or the woman had been unconscious or intoxicated to the point of incapacity, the case would be rape on those separate grounds, whatever she believed about his identity.
On an exam, a safe structure is to state the better view that the impersonation is not rape because her consent is effective, to flag in a sentence that jurisdictions split and some count the deception among the extreme frauds, and to add that the Model Penal Code would reach it as gross sexual imposition rather than rape.
Other Deceptions
The remaining lies are the ones that fall on the inducement side of the line drawn above, and at common law they did not make intercourse rape. The standard example is the false promise of marriage. A man who wins a woman's agreement to intercourse by promising to marry her, with no intention of doing so, has not committed rape, although the conduct could constitute the separate offense of seduction.22 The not-rape result is the first pole here, and it is the ordinary outcome for any deception that reaches only motive. The woman knows what act she is agreeing to, and the falsehood touches only her reason for agreeing.
The reason is the same one that supports the whole framework. A woman who accepts a promise of marriage has made a choice about intercourse itself, so the choice remains hers even though one of her reasons for making it was false. Rape is kept for situations in which the choice is missing, whether force, a threat, incapacity, or a lie about the nature of the act took it away. A lie about marriage works earlier in the process, because it supplies a reason for a choice that the woman then makes herself. Assigning that conduct to seduction keeps rape from absorbing every broken promise, and it still leaves the conduct within the criminal law under a different label.
Both lies were told to obtain intercourse, and both were false, so neither the existence of a lie nor its cruelty sorts the cases. The question is what the woman believed about the act itself. Students lose this issue by letting the falsity of the promise carry the analysis, because a broken promise of marriage feels like a serious wrong, yet the common law answers that wrong with seduction rather than rape. The same reasoning covers other misstatements about motive, since each leaves the woman aware that she is agreeing to intercourse. Newer statutes that recognize a broader range of impositions may change the answer, so a question under a modern statute calls for a check of the statutory text.